Editorial
Straight Shot
Ramon San Pascual
Executive Director, PLCPD

 

Through a widow deemed by many as a "mere housewife," the Philippines was freed from 14 years of dictatorship under then President Ferdinand Marcos’ rule. Hailed Woman of the Year in 1986 by Time magazine, Former President Corazon Aquino served as a "moral force to the non-violent movement for democracy in the Philippines and the world."1

It was also through a woman, the late Haydee Yorac, that public trust to the Presidential Commission on Good Governance (PCGG) was restored.2 She remained untainted despite challenges to integrity, honesty and commitment to public service. In more recent times, we have the likes of former radio broadcaster Grace Padaca, who surprised the world when she managed to wrest power from the very powerful and influential Dy clan in Dy country, holding the post of Isabela Governor for the second time in a row. Roselle Ambubuyog also inspired us with her victory when she graduated summa cum laude from the Ateneo de Manila despite being blind. There is also Lea Salonga, who received recognition from the prestigious Tony Awards and brought the Philippines back to the world map.

Modern Filipinas, as they say, are afforded various 'liberties,' something that their grandmothers did not enjoy during their time. It is easy to think that Filipino women are having it easy these days.

Wrong.

The only predominantly Catholic country in Asia lauded because of its vigorous press and strong civil society (discounting the extrajudicial killings and forced disappearances left and right reminiscent of those dark days), the Philippines is a nation of ironies.

While we have Filipino women who excelled in their respective fields and proved wrong the notion that it’s a man’s world out there, hidden in obscurity and reduced as mere statistics are 10 nameless women who die during pregnancy or childbirth everyday; 6 out of ten married women who are at risk of conceiving a child with an elevated risk of mortality; one in 16 girls aged 15-19 who are already mothers. I can go on and on and the numbers will just keep on coming. Unless we decisively address the problem, women like Gloria Junio, who at 76, has already given birth to 26 children and has 96 grandchildren and great-grandchildren,3 will keep on turning up.
Twenty-seven years after the Philippines signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), various policy and implementation concerns continuously hound this country’s quest for a truly free and democratic society. We have every reason to rejoice the passage of laws on sexual harassment, trafficking, rape, and violence against women and children. But, as we soon realized the enormous challenges its implementation poses, we are also saddened and admittedly, disappointed that our efforts for the creation of a national policy on reproductive health and family planning, one of the various measures lacking before the Philippines can say it has sufficiently provided enabling conditions for women to claim and exercise their rights, did not succeed in the 13th Congress.

As the Philippines and the world celebrate women’s month, PLCPD dedicates this issue of the HDL to the reflection of the Philippines’ commitment to the CEDAW. Compliance seems more and more challenging despite having a woman president. With the present administration continuously flip-flopping on the issue and even embarking on its Responsible Parenting Movement, we wonder, "When will true victory for Filipino women come true?"

 

Are our women deserving of an NFP-only policy?
Floreen Mercado-Simon

 

Since its inception, the Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo administration has favored natural family planning (NFP) at the expense of modern methods. The launching of government’s Responsible Parenting Movement (RPM) is the latest evidence of the Arroyo administration’s unwillingness to promote modern methods of family planning, or at least include these in the people’s choices for contraception to curb the nation’s fast increasing population.

Advocates say that RPM is a throwback to the 70s – a policy that did not work then, and will not work now. And yet, government claims that this is the solution: the answer that weighs the extent of the population problem on the one hand, and the moral demands of the Catholic Church on the other hand.

But what really is RPM? Would it really help slow down the country’s population growth? Is it really advantageous to women? What is the driving force behind this? And why did population advocates rage upon its launching? Let’s take a closer look.

Responsible Parenting Movement 1011

The Responsible Parenting Movement (RPM) program of the government is jointly being implemented by the Commission on Population and the Department of Health (DOH). According to both agencies, RPM aims to empower Filipino families in order to: (1) make couples aware of their basic responsibilities as parents, awakening in them a sense of responsibility and commitment towards their family, neighbors, community, society, and the nation as whole; and (2) consider responsible parenting as a way of life towards the attainment of sustainable human development.

To achieve these, RPM classes will be conducted in every barangay. These classes aim to mobilize the critical mass of parents who will compose the movement. The subject areas spell it out: (1) Responsible Parenting; (2) Fertility Awareness; and (3) Natural Family Planning.

RPM classes target married couples. However, they have to be of childbearing age and want to practice birth spacing through NFP. What’s more, they have to be willing to recruit other couples to be members of the RPM.
Government claims that focusing on natural methods would reduce the unmet need for family planning services as these address: 1) fear of side effects; 2) husband’s objection; 3) culture, tradition, and religious beliefs; 4) availability, accessibility, and affordability of FP services; and 5) cost-effectiveness of a transferable technology.
Further, lead agencies claim that practicing NFP requires a good level of fertility awareness, thus, enhancing a woman’s consciousness of her own health, especially sexual health.

Two major questions arise from this reasoning: 1) Is promoting NFP alone the correct formula? 2) Are NFP services really that available and accessible to Filipino women?

Meeting the unmet need

The 2003 National Demographic and Health Survey reveals that the total fertility rate (TFR) in the country has declined by 2.5 births over the past three decades – from 6.0 children per woman in 1970, to 3.5 children in 2001. However, the reported declining trend does not depict the fertility preferences of women. For the last decade, the gap between wanted and actual fertility rates has remained at one birth.2 Currently, women give birth to an average of 3.5 children by the time they reach 50 years old. However, if they could prevent unwanted births, Filipino women would have, on average, only 2.5 births.

In addition, the 2003 NDHS reports that the total unmeet need for family planning services in the Philippines is 17 percent, of which 9 percent is for limiting and 8 percent is for spacing. These are currently married women who either do not want any more children or want to wait before having their next birth, but are not using any method of family planning.

How then should we address this unmet need?

The ICPD Program of Action tells us, "As part of the effort to meet unmet needs… It should be the goal of public, private and non-governmental family planning organizations to remove all programme-related barriers to family planning use by the year 2005 through the redesign or expansion of information and services and other ways to increase the ability of couples and individuals to make free and informed decisions about the number, spacing and timing of births and protect themselves from sexually transmitted diseases."3

At first glance, the Arroyo administration’s family planning principles (i.e. responsible parenthood, respect for life, birth spacing, and informed choice) seem congruent with the principles of ICPD. In fact, in the Second Philippines Progress Report on the MDGs4, the government states that couples and individuals would be provided with all the information and services on the natural and artificial methods of family planning to be able to make informed choices. But in the same report, it mentioned of efforts that particularly promote NFP alone – as in the launching of the Responsible Parenthood Movement on March 8, 2003, where PGMA focused on the promotion of NFP emphasizing the BBB methods (Birth Spacing through Billings or Cervical Mucus methods, Basal body temperature, and Body signs or sympothermal method); mainstreaming of Natural Family Planning Method under the 2002-2006 Strategic Plan; and the development, pre-testing and production of framework and module for Fertility Awareness and Natural Family Planning.5

This points out that the administration’s recognition of informed choice is mere lip service. This, despite the fact that there are enough bases for a comprehensive family planning program in the country. And one of these is the contraceptive preference of the people.

The 2003 NDHS tells us that the contraceptive prevalence over the last 35 years has more than doubled, from 15 percent in 1968 to 49 percent in 2003. Most of the increase is in the use of modern methods – from 3 percent in 1968 to 33 percent in 2003. Meanwhile, contraceptive prevalence for traditional methods fluctuates from time to time. From 7 percent in 1973, it jumped to 21 percent in 1978, but went down to 13 percent in 1983. It peaked again in 1998 with 18 percent, but went down once more to 15 percent in 2003. This is an indication that, over the years, natural family planning has remained an unpopular option.

The survey also reveals that 25 percent of women with unmet need cite oral contraceptive pills as their preferred method to use in the future. Six percent prefer injections, and another 6 percent cite sterilization. These data clearly imply that modern methods of family planning should not be excluded in the government’s family planning program.

Unavailability of information and services

Sadly, the 2003 NDHS results show wide disparities across areas in terms of access to family planning information and services.

Take the people’s knowledge of contraception as an example: on the average, 98.8 percent of women respondents know at least one contraceptive method. However, while majority of the regions register a 98-100 percent range, the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) register a comparatively low 89.5 percent. Male respondents, on the other hand, register a range of 97-100 percent, yet those from the ARMM register a very low 68.8 percent.6

The results of the 2003 NDHS also reveal the appalling result on "contact communication between non-users and family planning/health service providers." The survey reports that only 12 percent of nonusers were visited by a field worker who discussed family planning. At least 14 percent of nonuser respondents visited a health facility and discussed family planning while 17 percent visited a health facility and did not discuss of them delivering in health facilities. Moreover, 40 percent of births were delivered without the assistance of a health professional.
In terms of birth spacing, one out of three births occurs within two years of a previous birth. The 2003 NDHS says, "The large proportion of births with short intervals is a cause for concern, as they have negative implications on maternal and child health survival."

The age at first sexual intercourse is another indicator of the beginning of a woman’s exposure to the risk of childbearing. According to the 2003 NDHS, At least 18.3 percent of women in the 25-49 age range said they had their first sexual intercourse by age 18, while 36 percent said they had it at age 20.

Adolescents, however, are more on the brink as 26 percent of the 15-27 age range admit to have had premarital sex experience.11 Moreover, a substantial increase in the percentage of those who had already lost their virginity prior to marriage was observed from the 2nd Young Adult Fertility and Sexuality Survey (YAFSS) 2 in 1994 to YAFSS 3 in 2002. In 1994, about 18 percent of 15-24-year olds had experienced premarital sex (PMS). In 2003, the figure was up to 23 percent.

Further, YAFSS 3 reveals that the percentage of sexually active young adults is rising with age. Twelve percent of those in the 15-19 age range report ever having premarital sex. Forty percent of the 20-24 age range report engaging in PMS, while 47 percent among the 25-27 age range admit having PMS.

What is more disturbing is the fact that our sexually active young adults are unaware of practicing safe sex. Only 19 percent claim they used any form of contraception during their first PMS experience. This makes them prone to unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases.

Considering all these, is NFP the sole answer to maternal mortality, unwanted or unplanned pregnancies, and sexually transmitted infections?

An NFP-only policy alienates a large proportion of the female population

Natural family planning is not wrong. In fact, it should always be included in the options of women for contraception. Without it, giving the complete range of options will not be realized. However, natural family planning will not answer the different needs of our women. Consider the following:

Women who have irregular menstrual cycles. Natural family planning methods are based on awareness of woman’s fertile periods and avoiding sexual contact during those days. However, such methods, (e.g. Standard Days Method (SDM), Basal Body Temperature (BBT), Sympto-Thermal Method) will not work for women who have irregular menstrual cycles or those who have no time to closely observe their fertility signs. For a woman to be able to use the Lactational Amenorrhea Method (LAM), she should have all three of the following criteria present: (1) exclusively or almost exclusively breastfeeding; (2) has not had menses since giving birth; and (3) is less than six months post partum.

Women with uncooperative husbands. NFP requires a shared awareness and cooperation between partners – which is indeed an ideal situation and a noble goal to work at. Sadly, for many women, this is far from reality. For a woman whose husband comes home drunk, disoriented and horny, it is doubtful if NFP can still prove to be effective.

Women who want to seek protection against sexually transmitted infections. NFP will not protect against sexually transmitted infections, including HIV/AIDS.

Overseas Filipino Workers. How would women OFWs, or those with OFW partners, be expected to put up with NFP methods and abstain from having sex in the short span of time that they are reunited with their spouse?

If natural family planning would not be able to answer such basic and common needs of the above sectors of the female population, it really boggles the mind why the administration is hell-bent on focusing all its efforts to the promotion of natural family planning alone.

While our commitment to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) enjoins us to pursue all appropriate means to eliminate discrimination against women, government’s insistence on focusing solely on NFP deprives such a large proportion of the female population of such a crucial service as family planning – a policy that is clearly discriminatory.

CEDAW and the MDGs - just another lip service

While the Arroyo administration acts as if it adheres to the CEDAW and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), reporting every inch of its purported efforts to abide by the Convention and to achieve the Goals, a closer examination will reveal that all these are mere lip service.

Responding to the combined 5th and 6th periodic reports of the Philippines with reference to CEDAW, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women listed a host of issues that include a request for an explanation for, and a description of, any measure taken to ensure availability of, information about, and easy access to contraceptives in order to avoid unwanted pregnancies. This was in reference to two contradicting points in the Philippine report saying that the DOH offers a program putting forward a range of contraceptive methods and its adoption of the administration’s anti-artificial position.

In August 2006, the Committee issued its concluding comments that include "It (the Committee) requests the State party to strengthen measures aimed at the prevention of unwanted pregnancies, including by making a comprehensive range of contraceptives more widely available and by increasing knowledge and awareness about family planning."

Further, the Committee recommended to give priority attention to the situation of adolescents and to provide sex education with special attention to the prevention of early pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections.
And yet, in December 2006, the Arroyo administration launched the Responsible Parenting Movement, which dismisses the recommendations of the Committee. For one, RPM solely promotes NFP, which obviously runs contrary to the "wide range" of choice and will definitely not provide protection against sexually transmitted infections. Likewise, its focus on married couples obviously sets aside not only adolescents, but couples living together without the benefit of marriage.

And yet, in December 2006, the Arroyo administration launched the Responsible Parenting Movement, which dismisses the recommendations of the Committee. For one, RPM solely promotes NFP, which obviously runs contrary to the "wide range" of choice and will definitely not provide protection against sexually transmitted infections. Likewise, its focus on married couples obviously sets aside not only adolescents, but couples living together without the benefit of marriage.

The Committee also requested to be provided with information on the pending Reproductive Health Care bills in Congress, particularly if the bills have been adopted, and if so, what effects can already be seen12. Unfortunately, no Reproductive Health Care bill has been passed into law. Four Congresses have passed and the bill has remained pending mainly due to the efforts exerted by certain sectors associated with the Roman Catholic wing, which have remained the strongest opposition to the passage of any policy on reproductive health care.

Without a clear-cut national legislation, it does not make sense at all to claim that prioritizing NFP will not leave modern methods behind. The government claims that local government units will be provided with the option on which methods to promote – rendering women more disempowered and at the mercy of local officials.
Such is the case of women in the City of Manila where incumbent Mayor Lito Atienza banned all modern methods as specified in a local legislation. Such was the case of 12 women in Malitbog, Bukidnon who were forced to have their IUDs removed for fear of being excommunicated – even when municipal doctors and family planning service providers were appalled by the extent to which the Archdiocese of Cagayan De Oro has gone13.

Such will be the case of women from the 4th and 5th class municipalities whose local officials cry of measly Internal Revenue Allotments (IRA). Even if said municipalities wish to promote modern methods, where will they source funds to procure family planning commodities? Surely not from their local budgets.

As to the Millennium Development Goals, meeting them seemed to be a far-fetched objective even before the NFP-only policy came about, but the MDGs nevertheless provided strategic goals for the country. However, the consistent stance of President Arroyo favoring only natural methods of family planning widens the gap between the country’s state and the MDGs, specifically on the targets for reducing child and maternal mortality, improving maternal health, increasing access to reproductive health services, and combating HIV/AIDS.

As regards the target to increase access to reproductive health services alone, the government identified priority actions including the passage of legislation on reproductive health and filling in of the anticipated shortfall in family planning commodities.14 But this is in stark contradiction to the derailment of the passage of the Reproductive Health Care bill and to the outright declaration of promoting NFP alone.

Also mentioned earlier was the contradicting "priority policy" and "efforts undertaken" by the government in order to reach the goal of improving maternal health.15 It is as if the government equates providing information solely on NFP to informed choice.

With all these contradictions, it is truly unfortunate for our women that the government is not fulfilling the commitments it has made to the ICPD Program of Action, CEDAW, and the MDGs.

Endnotes:

1 Culled from the presentations of DOH and POPCOM during the launching of the Responsible Parenting Movement, 6 December 2006
2 Policy Implications of the 2003 National Demographic and Health Survey, A Briefing Packet. PLCPD, 2004.
3 ICPD Programme of Action, par 7.19
4 The National Economic and Development Authority spearheaded the consultations to come up with the Report, in close coordination with the UN Country Team. The Report was published in 2005.
5 Second Philippines Progress Report on the MDGs, Goal 5: Improve Maternal Health, Family Planning: Priority policies and programs, p. 75.
6 2003 NDHS Table 5.2: Knowledge of contraceptive methods by background characteristics, page 57.
7 2003 NDHS, Table 5.12: Source of contraception, page 67.
8 Family planning flip-flop costs P840M (conclusion), Christine F. Herrera, Manila Standard, 23 Feb 2006.
9 Second Philippines Progress Report on the MDGs, Goal 5: Improve Maternal Health.
10 Policy Implications of the 2003 National Demographic and Health Survey, A Briefing Packet. PLCPD.
11 Young Adults Fertility and Sexuality Survey 2002 (YAFSS3). UPPI.
12 List of issues and questions with regard to the consideration of periodic reports: Committee in the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, Pre-session working group, 36th session, 7-25 August 2006.
13 Women reject IUDs for risky pregnancies, Rubelyn Yap, Women’s Feature Service, 8 September 2003.
14 Second Philippines Progress Report on the MDGs, Goal 5 Improve Maternal Health, Family Planning: Priority policies and programs.
15 Page 3, paragraph 1

 

 

Insights of a Fearless
Interview with Professor Aurora Javate-De Dios
Floreen Mercado-Simon

 

She was with the UP Arts and Sciences Student Council and was also involved in the Student Cultural Association of the Philippines (SCAUP), which later became part of Kabataang Makabayan, and as most of the activists in the Marcos era, she was detained for a while. Her education inside and outside the classroom led her to the advocacy of women’s rights. Now, Aurora Javate-DeDios is an icon in the women’s movement.

Over the years, De Dios has been a feminist activist involved in various women’s organizations such as KALAYAAN and CEDAW* Network. She was a pioneer in introducing women’s studies in the Philippines and was the first President of the Women’s Studies Association of the Philippines. She also took part in organizing the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women-Asia Pacific (CATWAP) in 1993, where she served as Executive Director. She currently serves as Chairperson of the Board of Trustees of said organization.

Apart from her non-government affiliations, De Dios also worked for the government, having served as Commissioner of the National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women (NCRFW) from 1994 to 2000, and as Chairperson from 2001 to 2003. During her time in NCRFW, she has been instrumental in the lobbying efforts for the passage of the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Law in 2003, and the Anti-Violence against Women and their Children Act in 2004. She was also elected Member and Rapporteur of the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (UN CEDAW) in New York from 1994 to 1998.

Presently, De Dios is the Executive Director of the Women and Gender Institute of Miriam College. She is also the Coordinator of the Migration Studies and Research Program of the Miriam College Graduate School and a Professor of International Studies (Gender and Development, Global Governance and Migration).

The motivation

Most people are motivated to advocate for a particular cause by their life experiences. However, such is not the case for Prof. De Dios. She, in fact, grew in a family where women are allowed to speak their minds and pursue their dreams. She came from a family of strong women. Her mother was a career woman – a pharmacist running her own pharmacy. Her grandmother, she describes, is very vocal about her opinions – and argumentative at that. They were eight children in the family, seven of them girls, and all of them raised in a manner that does not undermine the role of women in the family. Her father, on the other hand, grew up an orphan who is accustomed to household chores. As such, her father has much respect for "women’s stuff".

In school, she did not find it strange to speak out, along with men. What she found strange was the wariness of other women to share their thoughts and opinions. In the organizations she joined, male members were supportive of women’s issues. She also did not experience discrimination even during the period when she was detained. She relates, "Consciously, I did not experience discrimination. I did not allow that to happen. I did not let anything intimidate me."

Her desire to contribute to the advancement of women’s rights was born out of a theoretical awakening. Reading literature on gender equality and participating in discussions on feminism, violence against women, and other women’s issues made her feel that these issues are, indeed, relevant to women and that this new wave of thinking can provide a framework for women to analyze the situation and, more importantly, for women to be able to do something about it.

She also listened to the experiences of other women not only in the country, but from other countries as well. De Dios shares, "My enlightenment started when I got to know the issue through MAKIBAKA, [followed by] my self-education and listening to women." All these made her realize that the matter is not a parochial subject and, therefore, really needs attention. With this, she saw the necessity of making these ideas known – a venue to reach as many women as possible.

First steps

Together with her contemporaries, Professor De Dios ran what they called a "Feminist School" that served as a venue for discussing women’s issues. Guided by a curriculum, the school ran for two years. "We had to fit our discussion schedules in order to make it convenient for women," De Dios shares. And so, discussions were held during times when women were through with their obligations at the office, school or home. The Feminist School filled the vacuum of discussions on critical women issues.

When she got into teaching, De Dios also formed the Women’s Studies Network. Seeing that only a few of them are into teaching gender, she gave teachers’ trainings to those who got interested. With the help of her colleagues, she established a Women Resource and Research Center – a pioneering effort in the country. Setting the Center up entailed learning from experiences of other countries that were ahead in women’s programs. "We had to go to the United States and literally crisscross the country – visiting all kinds of women’s centers, looking at women’s programs in the academic field, research institutions and crisis centers, which were not yet present in the country then," De Dios shares.

Her thoughts on how we, as a nation, are faring on particular women’s issues:

On women’s societal status. De Dios believes that the major gain in this area is the awareness of women of their own issues. The emergence of critical feminist thinking, she says, has elevated women in the academic and political fields. Another major progress she considers is in the way women have been mobilized into organizing themselves. Women used to be confined to organizations that are into charity, advocacies such as feeding programs and helping the poor, and counterpart organizations of rotary and lion’s clubs.

She adds, however, that in other areas, disparities can still be observed. This is true in the fields of education, employment and participation in household decision-making. "Poverty gives the biggest blow on women," she claims. She talks of women who are not being supported by their husbands and those who are driven away from their homes in the course of finding ways to earn an income for the family to survive.

Still, compared to other Asian countries, De Dios thinks our country is much ahead. In Africa, she says, the literacy rate is only 50 percent and life expectancy is at 45-50 years. She says that even if we use CEDAW as a yardstick, the Philippines is still ahead of other countries especially in terms of leadership and thinking. "But this does not mean that there are no more areas for improvement," she reiterates.

On the protection of women migrant workers. De Dios considers migration as an enormous issue affecting the nation’s women. With poverty at the country’s helm, more women will be forced to move to other countries that offer more employment opportunities. "It is never enough. Ang laki ng gap in service, in protection mechanisms, as well as in long term assistance and reintegration," De Dios says. She adds, however, that if one would look at the issue from the stance of the international community and what other migrants in other countries are doing, ours is considered a role model. Indonesia, she says, does not even have an institutional mechanism.

"I think the Filipino’s militancy, especially the migrant sector, has forced the government to do more than they normally would," she claims. On the other hand, she reiterates that there still has to be continued militancy and pressure as there are other factors affecting the issue of migration. Receiving countries, for instance, are very wary of providing privileges to workers because they do not want to spend government funds for migrant workers. She says that it also becomes a political issue for citizens of receiving countries who deem migrant workers as competitors in terms of employment opportunities and benefits. "It becomes a question of balancing their political interests and their country’s economic demand for migrant workers," she adds.

She also explains how it has become difficult to attain bilateral agreements, as receiving countries do not only get workers from the Philippines, but from other countries as well. Entering into a bilateral agreement with one country will compel these governments to enter into bilateral agreements with all. She says, however, that there is no room for intimidation. In fact, pushing for our migrant workers’ rights is just claiming the yield of what our country has invested towards the development of our labor force in terms of education, training, human capital and work experience.

On family planning and reproductive health. De Dios thinks our government needs to balance the country’s economic development and its ability to support the number of people who have different sets of needs. "If you cannot balance that, what kind of generations are you developing?" she asks.

She relates a story of Muslim women who are victims of arranged early marriages, and who, at age 20, already have 12 kids and are not receiving maternal care. She emphasizes the obligation of the government (as stated in Article 12 of CEDAW) to provide the kind of information that women need to ensure their own safety and well-being as mothers. And this includes the provision of family planning information and services.

De Dios considers the issue of providing the complete range of family planning methods to women as an obligation of the State. "It is not a matter of debate, it’s an entitlement," she says. As to the Natural Family Planning method-only approach, she says, "It is not only discriminatory, it is an imposition." With this move, she says, the government is not making a full account of its responsibilities and is not contributing to women’s informed decision.

On CEDAW’s translation into a national law. De Dios says that as far as the United Nations is concerned, the Philippines is a pioneer in advancing women’s rights. In fact, the Philippines submitted the first draft of the CEDAW.

The problem, however, lies in the absence of CEDAW’s translation into a national law. If a national law is there, CEDAW will not be subjected to individual interpretations of whoever is in power. It is a different issue, she says, when people distort or undermine the law.

Yet, the emergence of the Charter Change (ChaCha) issue complicates the picture. "The challenge now for our lawmakers is to pass a law that will contain gender discrimination as a major provision," she says. This becomes imperative as, compared to other international documents espousing women’s advancement, CEDAW should be the main reference point as it is a legally binding document.

In the absence of a national legislation, De Dios says we can always refer to the general recommendations, which have been developed by experts in order to elaborate on the meaning and substance of CEDAW and also to derive sharper gender perspectives.

On religious and cultural barriers to the full realization of women’s rights. De Dios believes that cultural and religious reasons do not justify the transgression of women’s rights. She illustrates this point by referring to female genital mutilation, which is supposed to be a religious ritual and is sanctioned by culture. The international community has already reached a consensus that cultural reasons are no excuse for female genital mutilation.

She believes that, although the process of breaking down these barriers would require tedious negotiations, it is not impossible. She recalls how Muslim women lobbied with their Imams to address their family planning and reproductive health issues. This resulted to a fatwah supporting family planning and reproductive health, which was adopted by the Assembly of Darul-Iftah (House of Opinion) of the Philippines on November 22, 2003, and during the Muslim Religious Leaders’ Assembly on March 10, 2004.

De Dios thinks it is also possible to have the same gains with the Catholic Church. She is hopeful, as she knows there are many progressive Catholic priests who can appreciate the situation of women. She says, "I think their position is not entirely conservative to understand that FP services or access to FP may mean a life and death question for many poor women, for women who have had ten children, for women who are so unaware that they don’t even know what is happening to their bodies. I think they should listen to women first."

Future endeavors

In all that she was able to accomplish and contribute towards the advancement of the country’s women, De Dios still wants to continue to be part of the cause by coming up with academic programs that would address the different issues affecting our women. She hopes to continue to provide avenues to enable women to discuss their concerns and do something about these.

"Ako kasi, I really need to get a sense of what the problem is. And once I get the passion for it, it becomes a lifetime advocacy. It becomes my life, my work and my self," she says.

On a lighter note, she shares her hope of becoming a diva. "Everybody’s a singer in my family. When I’m asked what my role is, I usually say, ‘somebody’s got to clap for them’. But soon, I will join them. Seriously, it is never too late," De Dios concludes.

With the great task lying ahead, we definitely need many women like Aurora Javate-De Dios. And like her, it is never too late for any of us to be part of this cause.

 

 

Local Reproductive Health Policy:
Gaining New Ground in Advocacy
Rene Llorin

While a comprehensive national reproductive health policy still needs to be enacted, various local government units have provided new ground in pioneering for a supportive policy environment to ensure the provision of accessible and adequate services on reproductive health, largely inspired by the enactment of the first Reproductive Health Care Code of in the Province of Aurora in 2005. These local policies on reproductive health will help pave the way for people to have better choices that will ensure their own reproductive well-being and allow them to effectively plan their families.

The RH bill through three Congresses

Hampered by strong opposition from leaders of the Catholic Church and other conservative groups, the fight for the establishment of a national policy on reproductive health and family planning has been a long and arduous one, starting way back in the 11th Congress with the introduction of population and development measures. In the 12th Congress, House Bill 4110, or the Reproductive Health Care Act, acquainted the Philippines with the need for a national policy that will ensure every Juan and Maria’s access to vital information and services pertaining to their reproductive health and rights. Debates reverberated throughout the country, with critics launching their opposition and labeling the bill’s champions and advocates as anti-life and abortionists. Brushing aside labels and name calling, legislators championing the bill urged critics and the general public as well to read the bill first before judging its intent and concluding that it aims to legalize abortion.

The same intensity of the debates continued into the 13th Congress with the re-filing of proposed bills on reproductive health and population management. Taking a different track, those who opposed the bill now did read the bill and focused their attack on labeling it as a “two-child policy,” comparing it to China’s population policy. The bill was also labeled as anti-family since it will allegedly impose on couples to limit their family size to only two children.

The bill also had to contend with realities of national policymaking in the country. Passage of the Responsible Parenthood and Population Management Act or House Bill 3773 in the 13th Congress was compromised by various distractions that have hounded the Arroyo administration, affecting the smooth grinding of the legislative mill. Recently, in an ironic effort to respond to demands to address the population issue, the government instituted a policy to intensify promotion of natural family planning only.

Locally made

While the advocacy in Congress encountered various hindrances to the RH bill’s passage, opposition to local advocacy on reproductive health has been observed to be less intense. Moreover, subsequent enactments at the local level have signified that the advocacy for reproductive health policy is beginning to gain momentum.

One significant factor to this is the widespread poverty, hunger and marginalization afflicting the countryside. With the evident and undeniable link between having large families and finding resources to adequately provide for each and every member’s shelter, food, clothing, and educational needs, the urgent need for a local policy on reproductive health and family planning has been solidly justified.

The organization of the Local Legislators’ League on Population, Health, Environment and Development, or the 3LPHED, has also encouraged the growing interest in reproductive health and population issues among local policymakers. It also facilitated the emulation of the Aurora experience by other local government units.

Moreover, unlike the national parliament or Congress with around two hundred fifty members, the maximum number of members in a local legislative council such as the province of Ifugao is 12. Needless to say, this small number of members can significantly contribute to the speedy enactment of local policies.

The Ifugao Ordinance on Reproductive Health and Responsible Parenthood

According to then Ifugao Vice Governor Glenn Prudenciano, the process that led to the enactment of the Ifugao Ordinance on Reproductive Health and Responsible Parenthood was consultative and involved several stakeholders and advocates. After the initial draft of the ordinance, Vice Governor Prudenciano gathered various stakeholders and presented the draft ordinance. Upon gaining approval and support, the proposal was filed in the provincial council or the Sangguniang Panglalawigan.

Like any other ordinance, discussion and debates were conducted before the ordinance was passed. Although there were opposing views to the proposed policy, majority of the members voted for the enactment of the Ordinance. Local policymakers had no difficulty associating the solutions provided by a reproductive health policy to the problems faced by the people. Members of the Sangguniang Panglalawigan easily made the connection between the policy and its impact to their constituents, practically their neighbors in their respective communities.

The Ifugao Ordinance mandates the provincial government to provide access to safe and quality reproductive health care services to couples and individuals of Ifugao; provide a ready, accurate and complete information on reproductive health; provide responsible education in Ifugao about reproductive health; promote the involvement and participation of, and provide actual policy, program and financial support to NGOs in reproductive health care and service delivery and in the production, distribution and delivery of high quality reproductive health and family planning supplies and commodities to make them available and accessible to the people; strengthen the capacities of health facilities, regulatory agencies, and health service providers to ensure safe, high quality, accessible and affordable reproductive health services and commodities; and ensure the planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of appropriate and effective reproductive health care and family planning programs at the provincial, municipal and barangay levels.

Scaling Mountain Province

The objectives of this local policy have become common in other local ordinances on reproductive health. It completely describes the intent of the law that started in the Province of Aurora, replicated in the Mountain Province (Ordinance on Reproductive Health and the Prevention of Abortion of Mountain Province) and in many other municipalities across the country spanning the three major island groups of Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao.

The Mountain Province Ordinance on Reproductive Health and the Prevention of Abortion was enacted during the 2006 Christmas season. This was ably initiated by Vice Governor Benjamin Dominguez, a medical doctor by profession. As a former Provincial Health Official, Vice Governor Dominguez personally performed ligation and vasectomy services to those who would volunteer for the procedure. Learning early on about the value and impact of family planning, he took the lead in passing the Province’s version of the reproductive health ordinance, mobilizing the support he gained from the other members of the Provincial Council.

Mountain Province Governor Maximo Dalog is also known to be a very strong supporter of family planning and reproductive health. In realizing a working policy translated into programs to bring about change in the community, local government branches working in harmony such as in the experience of Mountain Province, is important. It is only when the Executive and Legislative branches agree on a common direction that an immediate response to the problems faced by the people is reached.

Paracelis and Lebak

Recently, the Sangguniang Bayan of Paracelis in Mountain Province passed the Reproductive Health (RH) Code of the municipality, by and large through the assistance of the Philippine Legislators’ Committee on Population and Development (PLCPD). This Code affirms the commitment of the municipality of Paracelis to improve the reproductive health status of its people, especially the most vulnerable (women, children and the poor), hopefully within the duration of the UNFPA 6th Country Programme until 2009. More importantly, the people of Paracelis hope that this code will now provide the basis in sustaining activities and programs geared toward improving their Rreproductive health situation.

In 2006, the municipality of Lebak in Sultan Kudarat enacted one of the first municipal ordinances on reproductive health. The intent of the policy is similar to those of Ifugao and Mountain Province, appropriately crafted to respond to the situation in their respective municipality. The same path was pursued by Lebak Vice Mayor Rene De Manuel, who, after taking part in various activities on reproductive health advocacy in 2005, immediately buckled down to work. After a few months, the ordinance was passed without opposition from any local stakeholder.

It is often said that government priority is where the money is. The Lebak Reproductive Health Care Ordinance clearly provides for the allocation of 500,000.00 for its implementation. Furthermore, Vice Mayor De Manuel’s commitment did not end with the enactment of said ordinance. Until the end of his term, he advocated for the allocation of funds for the policy. He has also foregone allocations made to his office, spending it instead on expenses needed for the ordinance’s effective implementation.

Realizing reproductive health policy at the local government level began with raising the level of understanding of local policymakers in reproductive health and family planning advocacy through trainings and seminars. As local champions, they brought together various stakeholders and worked with other branches of government at the local level to ensure that a supportive policy environment is put in place.

The impact of policies on reproductive health may be observed in the next few years provided that resources are allocated and the mechanisms for its implementation are made available. The work of local reproductive health champions and advocates continues, facing new challenges and obstacles.

By gaining ground at the local level, the advocacy for a national policy now has allies at the grassroots.

 

 

 

From Advocate to Candidate
Interview with Dr. Corazon M. Raymundo

Floreen Mercado-Simon

 

Within the population and development circle, everybody knows Dr. Corazon Raymundo. Quite simply, she is a renowned demographer and an advocate of population and development issues such as reproductive health and women’s rights.

She is the person behind a number of researches and books that have been instrumental in advancing population and development advocacies. Little did I know that there is much more to her than all these.

My interview with her is a revelation. I was ten minutes behind our scheduled interview at the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Pasig, where, I assumed, she was a professor like in the University of the Philippines. I was a bit taken aback when every guard I approached asked me my purpose for seeking Dr. Raymundo. My perplexity grew when a guard finally led me to the President’s Office.

True enough, Dr. Raymundo is the President of the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Pasig (PLP). The ten minutes I lost while looking for her is taken advantage of by a student who was having graduation problems. However, she is so humble to apologize to me when it is I who is at fault.

Later on, I overhear her ask a student why she is not in pink. Upon seeing my perplexed face, she explains, chuckling, "It’s a private joke here. I’m running for City Councilor and pink is my campaign color."

After wrapping up her concerns in PLP, we jump into her service vehicle that would send us to Nagpayong, Pinagbuhatan in Pasig where she was asked to speak before a community celebrating their first anniversary in relocation.

Once we are seated inside the car, I commenced to interview Dr. Raymundo, partly so that people would know her even better, and partly because I became very curious with the few minutes I spent observing her in PLP.

Dr. Corazon Raymundo is one of the first demographers in the country. After graduating from the University of the Philippines with a degree in Public Health, she took her MA in Demography primarily due to her interest in population research, which was kindled by the works of Dr. Mercedes Concepcion. She relates, "I am still Corie – an advocate of population, particularly how population affects the lives of people. I used to work at the national level, but recently, I decided to commit my services to Pasig."

Ma’am Corie has been instrumental in the establishment of several programs in Pasig. She attributes all these to her advocacy of women’s rights. Among said programs are the Bahay Kalinga ng Pasigueña and the Bayanihang Paluwagan sa Pasig. She also co-chairs the Anti-Drug Abuse Council (ADCOP) of Pasig. The three programs are related as Bahay Kalinga caters to women who are victims of various forms of violence. This violence, according to Dr. Raymundo, is mainly caused by poverty and the suspects are often drug dependents.

Her expertise as an educator was also sought by the city. She has served as President of PLP for over a year now. There, she started an adolescent reproductive health program. They now have a group called "Towards Responsible Adolescent Reproductive Sexuality" or TRACKS, which provides counseling services for PLP students.

"Whatever it is I do, I still go back to population and reproductive health," she says.

The Harvard experience

"I never saw demography plainly as a technical course," Dr. Raymundo explains. Back in the late 70s, the population and development framework was not yet popular in the country. Still, she knew that things do not end in population statistics. "It is an inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary subject. Anything, any event that you observe, even on a day-to-day basis, has a population component. It is people’s behavior. It is people’s development."

Her transformation, however, was after her experience in Harvard. She took Population Sciences in Harvard University’s School of Public Health in 1980. "There, I had a little of everything. I saw the use of my technical knowledge in different aspects such as economy and urban planning." After Harvard, linking all the issues that concern population and development was never a tough job. And so, her advocacy for education and reproductive health.

With her fresh ideas, Dr. Raymundo has been instrumental in coming up with new courses at the UP Population Institute such as those on reproductive health, and population and development. She teaches these subjects to the new breed of demographers with the hope that they, too, will learn what she learned in Harvard.

On the Responsible Parenting Movement

It is impossible not to bring up the issues of population and family planning when conversing with Dr. Raymundo. When asked about her views on the recently launched Responsible Parenting Movement of the government, she quickly replies, "It will not work. Natural family planning," she relates, "has been around for a long time and yet, it has never taken off." She adds, "Natural family planning is a good option. It fosters communication between husbands and wives. But that is not the reality in the Philippines."

She refers to the majority of Filipino families who find communication a luxury. A husband arriving drunk and horny, she says, would not bother to ask her wife if she is fertile or not. The wife, wanting to avoid confrontation, will have to submit to the husband’s will.

Movers of NFP claim that it is cost-effective as it is a transferable method. Dr. Raymundo disagrees. "Considering that NFP has not taken off and is not being picked-up by end-users, the government will be obliged to continue shelling out resources to conduct NFP seminars."

Dr. Raymundo says it has already been proven that natural family planning is not a popular choice. She mentions the P50-million fund given to the Couples for Christ to conduct NFP seminars1 and yet, no significant impact can be seen in terms of contraceptive prevalence rate for NFP methods. Rather, the bulk of contraceptive users still go for pills, condoms and injectibles.

Almost two years after the program, natural family planning has to be taught again to married couples under the Responsible Parenting Movement, which shows that the government is putting much of its resources to pursue this NFP-only policy.

"I think we should be very frank that the Catholic religion has a strong influence [in this]. It is not wrong to aim to uplift the lives of families. Pero ang realidad ay maraming pamilya na wala sa concept ng pamilya ng Catholic religion [But the reality is that there are many families that do not fall under the Catholic religion’s concept of family]," Dr. Raymundo explains, referring to the increasing number of couples living together without the benefit of marriage, even among the very young.

Dr. Raymundo does not refute the need for responsible parenting for married couples, for couples who are living-in, and for single parents. She says, however, "I hope that we could talk about responsible sexuality before we talk about responsible parenting." As a long-time demographer and family planning advocate, Dr. Raymundo is adept with researches revealing that there is a large portion of non-parents – adolescents – who are sexually active. She adds, "Sa responsible parenting, parang sinabi na nating walang karapatan ang mga hindi magulang (na gumamit ng contraceptive methods). Hindi naman natin p’wedeng isiksik ’yung ating paniniwala sa lahat. Ito ang realidad. Kaya paanong hindi natin bibigyan ng daan ang responsible sexuality? [When we talk about responsible parenting, it’s as if those who are non-parents have no right to use contraceptive methods. But we cannot force our beliefs down everyone’s throats. This is the reality. So how can we not give way to responsible sexuality?]"

Dr. Raymundo is the person behind the Young Adult Fertility and Sexuality Study 3 (YAFSS 3) conducted in 2002. The YAFSS 3 found that at least 4.9 million or 26 percent of the 18.8 million youth population aged 15-27 admitted engaging in premarital sex2. Moreover, around 2.4 million Filipinos are living together without benefit of marriage, many of them in their early 20s and a third of them classified as "very religious."3
When asked whether she is anti-NFP, Dr. Raymundo replies with a resounding "no." She adds, "If NFP is successful, then, we can say that we have gained a better understanding of men in family planning. But I’ve seen NFP for decades and ‘yung realidad ng sitwasyon ngayon ay hindi siya tumatama [the reality is that it is not appropriate for our current situation]." She adds that NFP is good for those fit to use the natural methods, but not for others.

Women, she says, have varying needs as determined by their reproductive age. A woman who has recently given birth would have different reproductive health needs from those of a single woman. Similarly, a newly-married woman’s reproductive health needs would be different form those of a woman who is at the end of her reproductive age. Consequently, the contraceptive methods that would be applicable or appropriate to them would vary. Thus, Dr. Raymundo reiterates, it should be an "NFP++" policy instead of an NFP-only policy.
Dr. Raymundo foresees that if the GMA administration (or even the succeeding presidents, for that matter) continues to be conventional on the subject of family planning, the country’s population and reproductive health state would remain, if not worsen. She relates how the population and the economy are going in opposite directions in that the country’s population is rapidly increasing while our people’s economic status is rapidly deteriorating.

"Family planning should really be a part of the government program, but people should be given a wide range of choices and the freedom to choose what they think is best for themselves," she highlights.

Running for public office

As we are approaching our destination, Dr. Raymundo points to a cluster of shanties and tells me, "Tingnan mo ‘yung mga pinupuntahan ko, dito ko nakikita ‘yung realities in life. Kaya pumasok din ako dito sa ganitong field. Kasi gusto ko ‘yung local legislation. [I see life’s realities in the areas I visit. This is one of the reasons why I entered this field. Because I prefer local legislation]"

Foremost among her goals is to serve as City Councilor of Pasig, where she intends to introduce her programs for women, and on education and population. And she is brave enough not to conceal her population advocacy from the people of Pasig.

In fact, Dr. Raymundo has already started planting the seeds of her advocacy in Pasig. She helped conduct a strategic planning session with concerned officials and officers and she is hopeful this will lead to legislation on population and reproductive health. She has also started promoting adolescent reproductive health in PLP.

As a soon-to-be legislator herself, with the approval of Pasigueños, she states that legislators play a big role in addressing the country’s population crisis. "Sana aralin ng ating legislators kung ano ang bagay sa ating mga kababaihan, kalalakihan at kabataan [I hope that our legislators will study what is appropriate for our women, men and youth], and then pass (the Reproductive Health bill) according to what they see fit. Kung iniisip nila na pinakikialaman ng iba’t-ibang grupo (ang usaping ito) [If they are thinking how various groups are meddling in this issue], I think they have been elected by the people, so they should give back to the people what the people deserve."

What separates her from others

According to her, some people from Catholic groups are questioning her agenda in pursuing population advocacy, making her studies disputable references in outlining the country’s population program.

"Nakakalungkot [It is saddening]. Not because they don’t want me. I will not do things just because they want me to do things that way. I maintain my objectivity. I’m coming from a scientific perspective. They will not be able to change me. Kung makita ko naman din sa studies o sa mga pananaliksik ko na kaayon (ng kanilang paniniwala), bakit naman hindi? [But if ever my studies or research will show findings that are aligned with their beliefs, why would I not agree?]".

"I come from years of research and advocacy. Tanungin ako pakaliwa, pakanan, pataas, pababa, kaya kong sagutin. Alam ko ang sinasabi ko [If asked from the left, right, above or below, I will be able to answer. I know what I’m talking about]," Dr. Raymundo stresses.

And that is what separates Dr. Corazon Raymundo from other persons seeking public office, who tend to hide or even remove population and reproductive health from their campaign platforms. That is what separates her from other persons who would blindly espouse natural family planning alone. Her conviction is based on researches she herself did, on accounts she herself heard, on people she herself talked to.

If we can only look at things from her perspective.